How can we tackle knife crime and yob culture
Network Norwich columnist James Knight discusses knife crime, yob culture and teenage breakdown.
We are in the middle of my Visions of New Beginnings series, but I want to break off from that for a week to talk about a subject which is dominating many of the news headlines at present - the problem of Youth Crime - ranging from the less serious crimes (antisocial behaviour, vandalism) through to more serious crimes (knife and gun crimes - often resulting in murder).
Although the individual crimes are isolated incidents, they are also the concatenation of crisis conditions - conditions that are having, and have had for some time now, a very negative effect on young people in this country - many of whom are stuck in a life of persistent crime.
I think, and have thought for some time, that to confer upon a person the term 'recidivist' (a persistent re-offender, even after punishment) is not conducive to helping the person so accused. When we talk idly of a person 'relapsing' back into crime, we do little more than make a conjectural comment about their psychology. We are continually reading about recidivists in the newspapers - felons, some of whom have as many as 90 convictions to their name. It should be much more obvious than it is that the rehabilitation process (commendable when it is successful) is, in fact, failing in too many areas.
There are people whose crimes are so heinous that they deserve to be incarcerated for life - of that there is no doubt. But there is a second string of recidivists, caught up in a circularity - a world of criminality, hopelessness, myopia and educational deprivation - men and women who, given a fair chance, could emerge from their plight into better things. But this success is largely conditioned by his or her own desires to change; that is, a person must want to change before a truly successful change for the better can occur.
In writing this, I do not mean that a person who commits a crime should escape punishment - I mean that the punishment and the rehabilitation should serve two dialectic elements of the same system. To penalise a man simply because he deserves to be punished is not, by itself, a good thing (save for the deterring of others). Giving a bad man his deserts is mere barbarism unless we have a genuine desire to see him reformed and rehabilitated.
It is true that the only interrelating point between punishment and justice is desert; thus we say that a criminal is given the right sentence if the sentence matches the crime. Whether the sentence befits the crime is not a matter of rehabilitation, just as the issue of reform is not a question about legal justice. If a man is to be rehabilitated, then our demand from the action is not that it will be an action of justice, it is that it will be a successful operation of reform - therefore the sphere of justice must take into account only what a criminal deserves and the sphere of humanitarianism must take into account how best we can improve this man. If we view a man's rehabilitation in the same way that we view the calculus, we will have dehumanised him and others like him.
The demarcation will become more lucid if we enquire as to who can rightly determine what constitutes good rehabilitation when states of improvement are no longer held to derive their propriety from a man's psychology. In other words, unless we tackle the problem from the roots; unless we see the offender as human, as a man who needs our help; as a man tainted by his raw material and background, we shall never solve the problem of recidivism, nor the problem of so many people feeling unimportant and undervalued.
I do not mean, of course, that utilitarian concessions should impinge upon our moral standards; but unless we see that the moral standard from which we distil our own ethics and systems of justice must itself include our responsibility to rehabilitate, we shall be living with double standards.
We find here that we are faced with a moral dilemma. Let us say that a man commits a crime for which it is consensually understood that a ten-year prison sentence is a just verdict. Now let us say that we had some special prior knowledge that his ten-year sentence would bring about no positive change, but that a one year sentence would be enough to deter and rehabilitate him for life. Those calling out for justice would say that a one-year sentence was only a tenth of the sentence that he deserved, whereas those calling out for his cure from recidivism and, thus, his human improvement, would assert that the length of incarceration was secondary to the overall outcome.
Having seen that the calls for justice can drown out the voices for rehabilitation and that the calls for rehabilitation can drown out the voices for justice, we must look to provide a system in which the latter entails the former; that is to say - the method of rehabilitation is itself predicated on a system in which the offender himself makes good of his rehabilitation by incorporating his own feelings of 'paying his debt' into the process. It should be observed that full rehabilitation can only really be carried out when the debt has been paid; that is, if the process is to be successful the victim (or victims) of crime must have, and are entitled to see, justice.
Having said that the state should provide whichever method is necessary to assist in rehabilitation (therapy, medication, education, training programmes, etc), we must guard against the danger that crimes are looked upon as nothing but afflictions and should henceforth be treated in the same way that illnesses and diseases are treated. That would involve the awful system, comparable to that in Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, where subjects are reconstituted into automata based upon conjectural assumptions by physicians. This would be taking it too far into the other extreme.
No successful society scares its citizens into behaving lawfully, and no successful society treats its citizens as automata. Thus, in order to create a better society in which we can celebrate lawfulness, it is going to be important that we help persistent offenders to become assimilated into society with a greater feeling of self-worth; after all, we have seen with some of our more prescient 20th century writers (Huxley, Orwell, Burgess) that a tyranny exercised solely for the good of its inhabitants may be the most repressive and reprehensible. Fallen men can never hope to rule as if they are gods; thus a tyranny which attempts to rule as though it is Divine in stature will often turn out to be more reprehensible than the fiends it hopes to make good.
 The implications are equally great when we think of its effect on Christianity, for Christianity is seen by many (foolishly) as a disease which needs eradicating in favour of post-modern endeavour. Unless the distinction between a crime and an affliction remains clear, we might one day be ruled by a modern day Nero who goes all out to 'cure' people of their affliction by eradicating the belief systems to which they subscribe, as has happened in many of the Muslim governed countries. I do not, of course, think that this outcome is in the least bit likely - but it ought to be noticed what can happen when humans are used as means to an end without any consideration for their humanity.
This is why I think it essential to resist the temptation to adopt false morality as a standard of justice. If a man's bad actions are merely his affliction then he cannot be forgiven for them and he cannot become a better man. Christ did not die for a man's asthma any more than He died for a man's red hair. If you force morality on people who have no chance of recognising it thus, they will never know their true state. Even forgiveness itself cannot be wholly extricable from justice and rehabilitation. Both of the needs are arms of the same being.
We already posses the intuition (as moral philosophers use the term) to know the moral standard - that is, it is written on our hearts. Any proposed thought or action or activity is known by us to be morally right or wrong without any external addition. It is true that we get things wrong - or our muddled perception and lack of understanding of all the facts do cause us to make errors - but the moral standard is a rule of which we have a prior understanding.
Questions such as 'Is it sensible to try to change people by X method or Y method?' are questions that fall under our utilitarian principles - that is, they are methods in which one finds ways that ether gravitate towards the moral good or recede from it. No action or innovation or methodology can be described as good or bad unless it is measured up against the prior standard. Thus the moral law which has been imparted to us by God is what we use to form the basis of all our jurisprudence.
The one thing we cannot do, which some insensible people do try to do, is to ask if the standard is good. If good itself means 'in accordance with the standard' we cannot ask if the standard is good, any more than we can try to assemble parts of a car and ask if the system of making the car is itself correct. The system is the explanation of how to make it. To say the system is questionable is talk about something that isn't the car, and similarity to question the moral standard itself is to depart from the rubric of morality.
Now we must be careful here not to confuse the 'standard' with our own developing ethicality. People today certainly understand a lot more about which things gravitate more closely towards the standard and which things recede from the standard than folk in other periods in history, but that does not mean that the standard has altered - for unless we admit an immutable and unchangeable standard, we will be in error when we approach the question of right and wrong.
An easier way to understand this is to look at the subject of mathematics. At basic levels of mathematics, it is easy to agree on which sums are right and wrong. But we can only agree if we admit that there is a mathematical system that we use to talk about right and wrong sums. If a man says that 3 and 5 is 9 in the sense that he is offering it as an alternative truth rather than as an erroneous sum, he is, in stating this, suggesting a truth which is a departure from the mathematical system and is, therefore, speaking of something wholly different to mathematics. His statement goes further than being untrue - it becomes 'non-true'. His action is the same as a man who attempts to create a new kind of morality - he is attempting an impossibility. He might succeed in raising awareness on issues which help instill morality (such as issues regarding race, colour, ethnicity, nationality, disability, etc) - but in doing this he is not improving the moral standard itself.
The difficulty in questions of law and order and rehabilitation is whether we confine things like 'justice' and 'reform' to the primary fact (as in the moral standard) or to the secondary facts (such as systemic improvement and jurisprudence). Utility, in this case, can be taken to mean that which improves the law and the likelihood of people obeying the law. But it is quite easy to step too far over the other side and make the pursuance of good order an immoral thing.
And notice that those who claim that goodness is something that should be pursued at all costs are very often the same people who treat happiness as a virtue (an incredibly false presumption). Pursuits of these things when detached from the 'standard' become merely facts about people's psychology and about their personal preferences. You cannot have an ethical system where A prefers lawful behaviour over unlawful behaviour in the same way that B prefers chicken over beef, for then we are getting into nonsensical territory.
And here we are beginning to see why this issue is such an important one. When speaking about law and order we must be sure that people are approaching it with a standard already acknowledged rather than a subjectivist approach which turns morality into acts of preference and desire. I call the answer to the sum 3+5 right or wrong depending on whether I hear '8' or not; and in the same way, I call the act of taking a bottle of aftershave out of a shop and slipping it into a plastic bag 'theft' or 'an economic transaction' depending on whether one has paid for it or not. This does not trivialise the act of purchasing, nor does it trivialise the act of doing sums correctly; but it does mean that what makes one thing valid is based upon the law or system which legitimises it. You can make burglary legal if you wish to have anarchy, but no amount of anarchy can make three and five add up to nine. This is what morality is - it is the 'standard'.
Having said all this, it now becomes imperative that when we talk about punishment and rehabilitation, we must admit several things. 1) That we are morally obliged to punish offenders and help them with rehabilitation. 2) That the part the state plays when interposing a man's free rights must be justified on the basis of more than preference and feeling - it must be based on an immutable moral justification, itself supported by the greater good. And 3) That nobody stands above us, as an adult to a child, on the matter of being more or less fallen. A tree may be taller than a flower, but a flower can be more beautiful.
No law must be passed with the belief that morality is not a fixed thing. It is fortunate that almost all of our judicial system is based upon a consensual feeling about the fixed nature of morality. And thankfully we seem to be progressing into an era when rehabilitation is seen as a right and essential corollary of punishment. It is, of course, a difficult practice - it takes time and money and its success is largely dependent on the offender wanting to change for the better. But equally important - it is based upon the knowledge that we all have a sound view about such things as 'better' and 'worse' and that each of these things are only the surface; the substratum is the 'standard' by which we should do all of our measuring. Freedom, in this sense, does not mean being free to do whatever one chooses - for real freedom means being free to do as one ought.
So many ideas about rehabilitation are contaminated by thoughts of 'passing the buck' - they cannot seem to have a fixed idea whether it is the responsibility of the state, the parents or the individuals offending. In variable proportions it is the responsibility of all three, but furthermore, it is a collective responsibility in which we can all play a part. Whatever each of us can do to help a friend or neighbour get back on track and feel a bit more self-worth will be a value to the society in which we live as well as a huge benefit to the individual. When Christ said we can move a mountain He did not necessarily mean we could move it all at once, rather that we would be able to move it a bit at a time. If the notion 'Do to others as you would have them do to you' has been lost, there is much we can do to help restore it - after all, do we not, as Christians, claim to understand it better than most?
The views carried here are those of the author, not of Network Norwich, and are intended to stimulate constructive debate between website users. We welcome your thoughts and comments, posted below, upon the ideas expressed here. You can also contact the author direct at james.knight@norfolk.gov.uk
James is a Norwich local government officer, author and Proclaimers church member in Norwich. You can access his current collections of columns here
Meanwhile, if you want to find out more about Christianity, visit: www.rejesus.co.uk
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| | | gary (Guest) | 30/07/2008 19:45 | all the above is right up tp a point. But the reason that so many knife crimes and attacks and violent crimes take place is that the villians have a great understanding of the tariffs they will get and therefor play the system for all its worth. my own feeling is that the punishment has to greatly outweigh the profit that a villian can make from their crime. Many of these yobs know that they will get away with even if they get an ASBOS or the like. the weak need to be protected and all we have is the long arm of the law which needs to weild a bit of a punch for those that need it.
| | | | Judy (Guest) | 31/07/2008 20:03 | I agree. What is "morally wrong" with punishment?If someone does wrong, they should get punished!God agrees with punishment.
In your article, you talk about prison being punishment.To some of us, it would be. We would be locked up, away from loved ones. However, for some, prison is better than their ordinary life!! They have a roof over their head and can watch Sky TV! I know of folk who have done wrong again, just to have those benefits!! Perhaps we should be doing things to give more people a roof over their heads, but also taking the extreme "benefits", such as Sky, away!!!
| | | | Cliff (Guest) | 01/08/2008 07:29 | A sociologist once said that crime is not a problem. All societies have crime. When the crime rate is too high or too low, then this is a sign of a problem in society. If crime is too low we have the problem of a police state, with secret police etc.. If the problem is too high, we have a problems of broken families, unemployment, poor distribution of wealth, lack of roll models etc.. Britain has serious problems but the main one is the lack of any spiritual foundation.
| | | | Judy (Guest) | 01/08/2008 16:54 | I would like to join an intercessory prayer group, to pray for the "main problem" in the above comment, and for those affected by it, as talked about in James' message. Does anyone know of one, please? If not, I could start one, if anyone is interested.
| | | | Terence Gallant (Guest) | 02/08/2008 22:21 | Judy is on the correct line. However bad these people are they can be changed by the power of God. Jesus came to save sinners and by the power of God these can be changed into valuable members of society who in turn will be used to bring about change in others. Do we believe God ?
| | | | John Payne (Guest) | 05/08/2008 08:42 | Judy is asking about an intercessary prayer group for the problem. The East Norwich Youth Project is supporting Street Pastors in Thorpe, Heartsease and Dussindale. We really beleive that an active and praying group of light and salty christians can change the whole atmosphere in a neighbourhood. I'll let you know about our next all-night prayer vigil.
| | | | Judy (Guest) | 05/08/2008 18:28 | Thank you very much, John.
| | | | James Knight (Guest) | 11/08/2008 13:46 | Thank you Gary, Guest, Judy, Cliff, Terence and John for your comments. Sorry for the delay, but I was hanging on for a bit to see if there were any additional comments.
There are a few particular points to which I should respond…
Gary and Judy both seem to advocate a more austere legal system under which harsher sentences are imposed along with less-favourable prison conditions.
Cliff says “If the (crime) problem is too high, we have problems of broken families, unemployment, poor distribution of wealth, lack of role models etc”. I agree, although (being pretty sure which sociologist you are referring to) I do not agree that a police state is necessarily a natural corollary of ‘low crime’
Cliff goes on to say, “Britain has serious problems but the main one is the lack of any spiritual foundation”. I agree, although when it comes to crime it is not necessarily the result of a lack of spiritual foundation (presuming you mean Judeo-Christian foundation) - Sweden is a case in point with a lack of spiritual foundation yet very low crime levels. Crime analysis is a lot more involved than mere ‘lack of spiritual foundation’ although your intimation that this country would be better off with a better sense and realisation of our decalogue/beatitude foundations is an intimation with which I concur. There are, however, countries that base much of their judiciary system on spiritual ordinances that have dreadful regimes and, equally, there are countries with relatively low crime level (Castro’s Communist Cuba in the past thirty years, for example) whose whole political system is underpinned by a much more subtle form of oppression.
However, nuances aside, I’m sure we all pretty much agree on the changes we would like to see in order to make this country a better place to live - these are examples which fall in what I call the ‘secondary magisteria’ category. There is, however, a much bigger primacy to point out here - one which needs looking at, for it might offer some clarity as to why I think the proposed panacea won’t work and, thus, why we need to look at this situation from a different standpoint. I fully support the endeavours of Judy, Terence and John regarding the role of prayer and pro-activity in helping people, but allow me to offer you a different way of viewing the situation, one which will, hopefully, elicit in your prayers specific ideas about ‘primary magisteria’ problems and solutions.
Primary magisteria involves realising two things. In the first place, understanding the isomorphisms between ‘selfhood ontology’ and the ‘mind-collectivity’ contingency framework in which selfhood finds its constituency. And in the second place, realisation that the political system is parasitic in that it finds sustenance through ‘contours of dependability’. This is all well and good at a secondary level - and it is easy to see that citizens of any country benefit from a solid political framework - but the political system is too circumscribed by its meagre scope potential to penetrate the ‘selfhood ontology’ in the same way that it penetrates ‘mind-collectivity’. If that sounds complex, don’t worry that was just a summation of the problem - it should become clear as I elaborate. The principal reason for understanding this is to realise that many of the things discussed in my article - knife crime, antisocial behaviour, teenage breakdown etc are so inextricably linked to ‘selfhood ontology’ that the political system and, to some extent, its sister ‘sociological system’, is not where we shall find the solution (although it can have a ‘correlative’ secondary impact).
The lack of any proportionality relating politicians’ understanding the mind-collectivity problem to the rate of genuine governance makes it near-impossible to put timescales or even tangible goals on many of these projects (the latter, because ‘selfhood ontology’ growth is not linear nor is it particularly measurable). Remember I am not talking about things like ‘improvement by crime statistics being down’, or much of the white noise perorations that emanate from people like Barak Obama, I am talking about something much more significant to the eradication of these problems. After pointing out the ‘limitation problem’, I will show you why I think people fail to realise it until it is pointed out. There are many simulations which act as replacements for things for which mind-individualism craves. Few would disagree that when it comes to simulating, and very importantly, anticipating the sensory aspects of our conscious perception, there are political activities that work well with a certain set of people and others that do not; activities that are clumsy and activities that excite our ascetic sense. But however grand and reverberative they may be, they will ultimately face the mind-collectivity contingency limit, the circumscription beyond which auspicious individual theoretical reduction can be taken no further - a sort of political cul-de-sac. We will always be left with residual limitations which are to be taken out from particular political innovations and sensations - and whether the resultant climates turn into party boundary conditions, or whether they impact in the cognition as much as governments think depends largely on factors which are, I’m sorry to say, very often too wide for the political domain (examples of which include the NHS and, even wider, global famine and impoverishment).
For political expediency, the contingency problem is ultimately solved by individuals onto individuals, therefore the absolute best way to ensure positive collectivity is to understand genuine human needs with every thing you do and plant seeds for the outpouring by conflating the individualistic mind-harmony in a collective mind-environment. In simpler terms - it is beneficial for individuals to cater for the individual ontologies of selfhood in a non-establishment situation rather than in (almost) purely ‘establishment’ third person accounts of the nature of the conscious mind - that is, narratives instigated by other conscious ideologically-minded observers who make conscious beings their rodents in a maze are seen clearly as part of a detached political head whether the head is good or not. But what do these third person observers find? They find that much about their objects of ascertaining genuine political (and thus national) growth resolve themselves into the theoretical abstractions the mind itself has conceived, e.g. as in good coterie dynamics and daily reliance on moral conviction. Thus, the ideological mind as the sustainer of third-person growth narrative is itself, paradoxically, an object written in a synonymous political (and national) narrative.
| | | | James Knight (Guest) | 11/08/2008 13:46 | True ideological growth can be, in terms of its realistic goals, described in terms of its own conceptual artefacts, not in terms of government success - that is why the old adage (and biblical precedents) about love / grace / respect / knowledge / education / self-worth / self-understanding / discipline / self-control being primacies is/are as true today as it has ever been, and why ideas such as perceived growth, when confined to the political system is, at its worst, consciousness as it appears from the point of view of ‘electorate consciousness’, and to claim detached mind-collectivity as regards ideological progression is to obscure the a priori role of consciousness by emitting its steam through the gasket of third person political descriptions and to miss the whole point of why society benefits from such things. The ‘spin’ initiative is to make comparisons with, say, hurting a child’s finger in order to get the shiver out, but it is as transparent as cling film and only goes to show that people are quite happy relinquishing a little bit of the mind-individual influence if it means passing responsibility onto the political mind-collectivity contingency gasket.
Part of the difficulty for me is the spurious belief that we as a nation can look to politics, or the political system, or political parties, to provide this panacea. This to me shows a real lack of understanding of the realities of the political scene. Political spin is bound up in idealism, that much is obvious. This is the principal reason why so many political documents are indistinct and nebulous about what is being proposed and, even more hazy, how it will be made manifest. Overstating bold claims amount to prior admission of failure - a more realistic and sober assessment would result in public disenchantment, for it would not seem grandiose enough. Where I think they have taken their idealism too far is in their assumption that pro-activity on one's social nexus can demonstrate the efficacy of the 'social texts' it aims to improve. In other words, they miss the point that many of these problems are so bound up in the text that exogenous political influence will very probably have no effect at all. Apart from the very small porthole of first-person policy experimental protocols accessible to an individual, much of our passions, feelings and convictions are mediated by social context. Although it may be that in principle a large proportion of reality is potentially (stress, potentially) amenable to political influence, in practice it is not difficult to see that this is not the case. At a secondary level, you see it bound up in the view (the correct view in my opinion) that prior-affiliation with one particular party is stultifying because it adds unwelcome constraints to a person’s method of cognition. And as you also know, group identification, allegiances etc have a bearing on the advance of knowledge. That is why the absolute best position to hold regarding politics is one of no-affiliation - it is certainly the one that elicits the greatest clarity of mind. Couple that notion with a good understanding of ‘selfhood ontology’ and we will, in my view, begin to see what we can do to help those in need. As much as I agree with Cliff about ‘(decalogue/beatitude) spiritual foundations’ I hope he’ll agree with me that spiritual foundations are, ultimately, ‘selfhood ontology’ foundations not third person narrative foundations. With this in mind, it becomes clear that when our Lord spoke about limitations - “What is impossible with me is possible with God” (Luke 18:27) and "With man this is impossible, but not with God; all things are possible with God." (Mark 10:27), His reference went beyond that of salvation alone - but to all things that have isomorphisms with ‘selfhood ontology’.
Best wishes
James
| | | | simon.wilson@norwich.anglican. (Guest) | 27/08/2008 20:17 | At a time when gun and knife crime reports and discussions are dominating the headlines, Churches Together in England have launched a timely report, 'Who Is my neighbour?', expressing deep concern about negative gang-related social disorder and violent crime, exploring social, economic, political, environmental and theological factors.
The recommendations encourage long-term strategic partnerships between churches, community groups, the police, criminal justice partners and local authorities and include calls for churches to develop strategies to better support families, promote listening events for young people and encourage members to move back into deprived areas. It also suggests that the Government should empower local people to tackle these issues themselves, and encourage inter-faith and inter-generational projects. The police are also urged to deepen their involvement with Restorative Justice projects and work more closely with churches as key partners.
The Norfolk and Waveney Ecumenical Criminal Justice Forum brings together a range of professionals such as Judges, magistrates, probation officers, chaplains, prison governors, youth offending team etc and those from the voluntary sector such as Move On East, Matthew Project, Victim Support to discuss these issues and seek common ground and a coherent practical response.
I will take some of these views back to future meetings. Please contact me for further information via simon.wilson@norwich.anglican.org
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